Politics cynicism is rising. The public has witnessed countless reenactments of “Operation Kamal,” so instances of obvious and merciless displays of money or power are plentiful. When Bihar struck on August 9, 2022, Jharkhand was suspected.
Nitish Kumar resigned the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance in 2013. (NDA). Kumar resigned from the NDA on May 18, 2014, citing ideological concerns after the Lok Sabha election defeat. In June 2015, he formed the Mahagathbandhan with RJD and Congress (grand alliance). Mahagathbandhan won the assembly elections, and Kumar and Tejashwi Yadav took power. After two years, Kumar resigned again. The BJP supported the governor within hours, and he entered office the following day. The NDA won the 2019 Lok Sabha elections after establishing a government in Bihar in 2020. On August 9, 2022, Kumar resigned again. The next day, Mahagathbandhan was restored. What does the politically astute and educated public think?
Even real-world politics need some answers. The media overemphasises personal opportunism and caste. Since the 2020 state elections, the Janata Dal (United) (JD[U]) and BJP have not gotten along. Kumar was right that Chirag Paswan’s NDA mutiny unjustly and conveniently targeted the JD(U) to reduce them to 43 seats. Kumar remained chief minister, with two deputies. The BJP’s state leadership was instantly hostile and criticised him in the press. Bihar’s chief minister and assembly’s presiding officer have had several heated encounters. As in Maharashtra, the BJP finally abandoned the JD (U). Kumar did imply that he may defect from the NDA this time. JD(U) and BJP split was overdue.
Many analysts have accurately pointed out the necessity for Kumar’s move, but he’ll stay vital in Bihar’s politics for the foreseeable future because of the “coalition of extremes” he successfully cobbled together and nurtured, starting with Annexure I politics. Annexure I of the Mungeri Lal Commission’s definition of EBCs contains the term (EBCs). Some high-caste and Mahadalit people joined this coalition. The new Mahagathbandhan government has considered Pasmanda Muslim representation. Despite his frequent about-faces and the destruction of his image and administration, Kumar remains relevant in Bihar because of his capacity to lead this internally contradictory combination.
In 2015, the Mahagathbandhan was formed. The Mahagathbandhan election campaign was brave in tackling challenging contemporary ideological issues, including as cow protection and beef-eating, and imaginative in recasting the Hindu nationalist movement as sectarian and casteist. Without further research, many have called this Mandal-II. Tejashwi Yadav was the first contender to bring up employment in the 2020 assembly elections. It’s easy to forget that he promised naukri (jobs) and not rojgar (employment) to the youth of Bihar amid the din of contemporary media, which exoticizes Bihar as enveloped by caste politics and in the age of neo-liberal economic prosperity. By July 2020, the ruling NDA coalition was still stirring flames. “Padhai, dawai, kamai, and sinchai” resonated with young people from various socioeconomic levels.
In 2022, Kumar and Yadav would under pressure to fulfil Mahagathbandhan’s ideological and policy objectives. They’ll face the spiteful BJP, its national government, and an adversarial media again. Now-or-never for Kumar and Yadav. Kumar must repair his image as a man of integrity and reliability, Yadav views this as a chance to move beyond his father’s shadow, and the BJP wants to leave its imprint on Bihar’s political scene.